Nadja
Belova
* and
Moritz
Krause
University of Bremen, Biology/Chemistry, Bremen, Germany. E-mail: n.belova@uni-bremen.de; Tel: +49-42121863284
First published on 11th October 2022
Social media are a popular source of information for young people, serving the purposes of not only communication but also the creation and distribution of content as well as advertising. However, that content may contain science-related information that in many cases is not based on scientifically proven sources. Content creators and/or advertisers use a specific set of strategies to make their claims more credible, and to address the strategies connected to science aspects, we created a fake product called ‘HIQO – the water with conductivity extract’ and claimed that it improved the conductivity of the brain to make the drinker smarter. We established a fully fledged web presence and ordered specially labelled bottles that in fact contained only ordinary mineral water. When creating the Internet resources, we made sure to consider the major manipulation strategies known from the literature. The product was embedded in a three-hour teaching sequence and has been tested with a total of 106 students from three secondary schools in northern Germany. The module was evaluated using tasks to assess civic online reasoning; the evaluation took place using a rubric with three levels (beginning/emerging/mastery), with learners who participated in the teaching sequence before attempting the tasks reaching the higher levels significantly more often than did those in the control group, who were given only the tasks.
The information in such media often has a scientific background but does not necessarily have to be disseminated by experts, which has fundamentally changed the way of communicating and reflecting on scientific content (Höttecke and Allchin, 2020). In addition, chemistry-related information in particular is often depicted in a very negative light—known as ‘chemophobia’—although there seems to be a slow shift towards a more positive picture (Guerris et al., 2020). Today, media aspects are covered in various school subjects, especially in the humanities and social sciences (Belova et al., 2015), but the implementation of such aspects in science education is still quite sparse and mostly limited to traditional types of media such as newspapers (Reid and Norris, 2016; Höttecke and Allchin, 2020). However, this misses the media reality of young people, the majority of whom use social media. Recent data show that the number of social-media users worldwide increased from roughly a billion in 2010 to 3.6 billion in 2020 (Tankowska, 2021). Many of the topics discussed on social media have a scientific background, but only in the rarest of cases are actual experts speaking here (Belova and Velikina, 2020). Because anyone can create and share content on platforms such as Instagram, Facebook and TikTok (thus eliminating the previously existing media gatekeepers), misinformation can spread rapidly and in extreme cases can lead to social divisions, as can currently be seen in the debates surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic (Archila et al., 2021).
The use of the Internet as a source of information by young people thus offers enormous opportunities for democratic participation on the one hand, but also enormous challenges, because understanding the use (and misuse) of scientific information is an important competence for critical citizens and thus for participation in society (Marks et al., 2014). Moreover, addressing current and controversial issues that are discussed in mass media increases learners’ sense of relevance (Belova and Eilks, 2015). On the other hand, young people often handle information in social media uncritically, although one might think that as ‘digital natives’ (Prensky, 2001) they should have fewer problems with it than, for example, their parents (Tseng, 2018). However, this does not seem to be the case (Bennett, 2012): students struggle with many aspects of online information gathering, including searching for and evaluating information, which is why appropriate materials and instructional interventions are repeatedly called for, especially in science (Horn and Veermans, 2019). The related initiatives are all based on the overarching concept of media literacy, or—as UNESCO (2021) calls it—media and information literacy. According to UNESCO, this concept consists of three dimensions (information literacy, media literacy, digital literacy), each with a set of subordinate competences [e.g. ‘critically evaluate media content in the light of media functions’ or ‘make ethical use of information’ (UNESCO, 2021, p. 9)]. Comparing the current framework with previous versions (e.g.UNESCO, 2006), one notices the increasing complexity of the concept of medial literacy due to the rapidly changing media landscape. Merging scientific literacy and media literacy in school science should form part of citizenship education in the modern age, which can be called ‘scientific media literacy’ (Chang Rundgren and Rundgren, 2014). Reid and Norris (2016) recently outlined certain research areas for the next decade in (what they call) scientific media education (SME), emphasising that skills related to SME are equally important for all citizens in modern societies.
The present paper describes the creation and evaluation of a teaching and learning module fostering such skills connected to SME and that was undertaken in five chemistry learning groups (grades 10–12, age range 16–18) in three German comprehensive schools. The module focuses on a supposedly ‘science-based’ product—namely a drinking water with ‘conductivity extract’—that the students need to debunk. Among other things, we created a real Instagram account for this product to give it the appearance of a real product, and we incorporated scientific information and science-based manipulation strategies into this account.
Developing capabilities to cope with information related to science in the media is indispensable if young people wish to become scientifically and media literate citizens. In the sense of a Bildung-oriented understanding of science education (Sjöström et al., 2017), science lessons should seek to promote the development of skills to prepare younger generations to become responsible citizens (Holbrook and Rannikmäe, 2007; Hofstein et al., 2011). The implementation of media into the science classroom also has the potential to make chemistry learning more meaningful to learners and more personally and societally relevant (Stuckey et al., 2013). The literature contains different definitions of the notion of media literacy, and in 2006 UNESCO outlined two main dimensions of media literacy, namely ‘reading’ and ‘writing’ media. On one hand, students need to understand the different forms of communication used in the media; on the other hand, they have to be able to create their own media. In the recently published updated version of the Media and Information Literacy curriculum, UNESCO (2021) points out that recognising reliable information is becoming an increasing challenge, and not only in the context of social media; trust in traditional media types is also declining. Therefore, according to UNESCO (2021, p. 6), media and information literacy is an umbrella term covering a large set of skills and competencies and consisting of (perhaps surprisingly) 23 sub-domains, ranging from advertising literacy via social-media literacy (which the present study builds upon) to visual literacy. In addition, 18 concrete learning objectives are formulated, and especially relevant to the present study are those aimed at locating and assessing information as well as its critical evaluation.
Other definitions of media literacy are aligned with the UNESCO framework in terms of content and suggested skills. According to Scheibe and Rogow (2012), the common definition of media literacy is individuals having a number of capabilities that enable them to navigate their way through a media-dominated environment; along with other media educators (Hobbs and Jensen, 2009), they explicitly name four dimensions that define the concept of media literacy, namely accessing, analysing, evaluating and creating media.
For societally oriented scientific literacy, it is necessary to develop skills to critically access and evaluate science in the media (Eilks et al., 2014). Merging scientific literacy and media literacy in school science should form part of citizenship education in the modern age, which can be called ‘scientific media literacy’ (Chang Rundgren and Rundgren, 2014), ‘scientific media education’ (Reid and Norris, 2016) or ‘science media literacy’ (Höttecke and Allchin, 2020). Scientific media literacy is a concept that encompasses a huge amount of different goals, skills and possible classroom activities connected to the learning of science, and it forms a justification for more-intense media education in the science classroom. Chang Rundgren and Rundgren (2014) argued that scientific media literacy could be an aspect of scientific literacy and includes three dimensions: (i) an understanding of the norms and methods of science (i.e. the nature of science), (ii) an understanding of key scientific terms and concepts (i.e. knowledge of scientific content) and (iii) an awareness and understanding of the impact of science and technology on society. The connection between science media literacy and the nature of science also plays a central role in the work of Höttecke and Allchin (2020), who presented a comprehensive theoretical basis for this connection and argued that nature-of-science education in our modern media landscape cannot function without this media perspective. Thus, media-literate citizens need to be aware that media contribute directly to the construction of scientific knowledge and that there can be certain effects (filter bubbles, confirmation bias, etc.) that can distort their own image of science and its nature. The paper by Höttecke and Allchin (2020) was published shortly before the first peak of the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe and has since become even more topical than it was before, and such effects must be examined actively in schools. In their paper on science media education, Reid and Norris (2016, p. 147) argued in a similar direction, calling it a ‘key content area’ for the future.
In addition to the use of actual misinformation, which can extend to conspiracy ideas (Tseng et al., 2021), both private and commercial users of social media employ a range of strategies to make science-based content in general—and chemistry-based content in particular—appear more serious and therefore more credible (Kotsalas et al., 2017). These include the following frequently used strategies (Danciu, 2014; Kotsalas et al., 2017; van Prooijen and van Vugt, 2018; Guerris et al., 2020; Höttecke and Allchin, 2020): (i) deliberately emotive assertion (both positive and negative), (ii) insinuation of harm (e.g. regarding chemistry itself or ‘the chemical industry’), (iii) manipulated illustrations (e.g. cut-off graphs), (iv) linguistic exaggerations (e.g. ‘most effective’), (v) vague linguistic devices (e.g. ‘helps with’, ‘a feeling of’, etc.), (vi) presentation by an ‘expert in a white coat’, (vii) presenting correlation as causality, (viii) creating a feeling of logical connections, and (ix) creating a feeling of simple, satisfactory answers, to name only the most important ones.
Demonstrating such strategies as well as the use of misleading content is the primary goal of our teaching module. Moreover, research points out that actual misinformation is used quite rarely compared to the amount of reliable information (Acerbi et al., 2022), and therefore it is important to expand the focus to all types of narratives used in the media (Wardle and Derakhshan, 2018).
Although there is obviously awareness of the relevance of interventions that map such strategies concretely in the science classroom, to date there have been few concrete empirically tested proposals (such as that by Tseng (2018) outlined above) for classroom implementation. Kotsalas et al. (2017) described an intervention for different types of manipulation techniques used by the media in the context of sustainable development; they presented such techniques (e.g. creating a sense of urgency) explicitly to secondary school students via a short lecture, and a post-test showed that most of the students were able to ‘identify and decode’ (Kotsalas et al., 2017, p. 102) common techniques. Tseng et al. (2021) chose a similar approach using a critical reading intervention and a pre- and post-test design: students were given two persuasive articles on a scientific topic together with a ‘critical reading guide’ (treatment group only). In the pre-test and post-test, the students had to rate the trustworthiness of the science-based claims, and those from the treatment group had increased epistemic vigilance, although the effect size was quite small. Bråten et al. (2019) designed a six-week intervention for upper secondary school students on sourcing (selection of reliable sources, evaluation of sources, etc.): they observed higher sensitivity to careful source selection in the treatment group, and this effect persisted for more than five weeks; in their study design, they used science-based texts on climate change and nuclear power.
Although research on dealing with misinformation in the (science) classroom is still scarce, current research from other domains—mostly in psychology—reflecting on such media manipulation strategies shows impressively that even one-off interventions can have a lasting effect. For example, Roozenbeek and van der Linden (2019) developed an online game for recognising misinformation and corresponding dissemination strategies, which is now even available in German: players take on the role of news producers and must actively apply certain strategies (such as polarisation or emotionalisation), whereby they are warned explicitly in the game about potentially manipulative activities; in a pre- and post-test design, the game was found to reduce significantly the perceived reliability of tweets that used several common strategies of online misinformation. In a later study using the same type of intervention, Maertens et al. (2021) found that this effect could last for up to three months. Therefore, it can be said that even one-off interventions do have an effect, which over a certain period of time leads to people dealing more critically and reflectively with information on the internet. Researchers call this ‘inoculation’ (Cook et al., 2017; Roozenbeek and van der Linden, 2019), basically a ‘vaccine’ against false information and manipulation. In this context, Cook et al. (2017) noted that people in a suspicious state are influenced less by misinformation; studies by Pennycook et al. (2020) (on COVID-19 misinformation), Guess et al. (2020) (on a large online campaign about spotting misinformation) and Tully et al. (2020) (on the promotion of news literacy via Twitter) gave similar results.
The developed teaching sequence is based on this imaginary product and its social-media presence, the basis for which was an Instagram account (@hiqo_official; see Fig. 1). We chose Instagram as the main platform for two reasons: (i) it is a popular social network among young adults (Statista, 2022); (ii) it combines different ways of presenting content, it being possible to include photographs, text and videos. At the beginning of our intervention, learners were asked to familiarise themselves with the product and the social-media account and to assess its credibility, with many of them initially trusting the product and the promises associated with it. These first impressions were collected and clustered via a collaborative online tool. Based on the Instagram account, the learners then described the strategies that were used to give the product and the social-media account a certain seriousness and credibility. In doing so, the learners managed to work out most of the implicitly used strategies. Fig. 2 and 3 show examples of posts from the Instagram account depicting selected strategies.
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Fig. 2 Instagram post showing insights into a fictional laboratory (translation: ‘Our work in the lab’). |
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Fig. 3 Instagram post showing ‘data’ on the conductivity of the water using different amounts of the ‘extract’. |
In addition to the development of these strategies and the corresponding assessment of the product, the focus here was also on a chemistry-based consideration (conductivity, ions). Then the ‘fake’ was revealed, which was very impressive for the learners. In the next step, they compared the strategies they had worked out with the help of ‘digital index cards’ that we had created, on which the strategies used in the account were named and briefly explained. There were also ‘frequently asked questions’ for further reading. If necessary, these index cards could also be used earlier as support or scaffolding material. The end of the teaching sequence plays an important role in securing and internalising what has been learned. Thus, at the end, the learners formulated a conclusion that described and reflected on their usage behaviour and perception of scientific information before the sequence and was aimed at future behaviour in social media. The conclusion often included not being blinded hastily and checking carefully whether a product or information that they find is reputable, especially if they recognise one of the strategies being used. Such a conclusion coincides with the effect of ‘inoculation’ described above and can lead to increased sensitivity over several months. An overview of the module is given in Table 1. After creating the first version of the module, we conducted a pilot test with a learning group (a grade-11 chemistry class) and then made some changes to the concept. These were related mainly to the Instagram account: learners criticised it because (i) the posts were all posted on the same day (which strengthened the suspicion of fakery) and (ii) the pictures and the design of the posts did not correspond to the current trends of ‘Instagram aesthetics’. A group of learners offered to rebuild the account, which happened during the autumn break of 2021. So, the final account can be seen as a collaborative project between us and the learners.
Phase | Content |
---|---|
Introduction | The teacher announces that they have discovered a new product and presents a bottle to the students. A student reads aloud the label on the bottle (including ‘Follow us on Instagram’). |
Problematisation | The students look at the Instagram account (@hiqo_official) and formulate a first impression. The impressions are clustered (using a digital feedback tool) and discussed. |
Work phase I | The students note down criteria that make the account either more or less credible. |
Transition | The criteria found are discussed. Bottles are distributed to the students, who search for the ‘conductivity extract’. The technical background is clarified and the fake is revealed. |
Work phase II | The students compare their criteria with the digital index cards and complete their notes. |
Consolidation | A general conclusion is formulated. |
Task | Description | Source of task |
---|---|---|
1. Comparing articles | Explain which of two sources (one sponsored content, one traditional news) is a more reliable source about climate change. | McGrew et al. (2018) [original task translated into German] |
2. Website reliability | Using any online sources, explain whether a website is a reliable source of information about a specific compound (chorine dioxide). | McGrew et al. (2018) [original task translated into German; website changed] |
3. Evaluating evidence | Evaluate the strength of evidence in a photograph posted on Facebook (on climate change being a hoax). | McGrew et al. (2018) [original task translated into German; post changed] |
4. Facebook argument | Explain which poster in a Facebook conversation provides stronger evidence about parabens. | McGrew et al. (2018) [original task translated into German; conversation topic changed] |
5. Researching a claim | Use an open Internet search to decide whether aluminium in cosmetics is dangerous to health. | McGrew et al. (2018) [original task translated into German; topic changed] |
6. Supposed logic | Explain whether a connection made in an Instagram post (if glyphosate were harmless, field workers wouldn't be wearing protective gear) is credible. | New task created by the authors |
Mastery | No, the website is not trustworthy because the articles on it are more or less only about chlorine dioxide and its supposedly good effect. The articles say very little about health, but only promote a product and do not present enough scientific facts about it. Moreover, nowhere is it about how exactly everyone is to be helped, as promised at the beginning. If you understand the organisation correctly, all you have to do is give everyone chlorine dioxide again and again and the whole world is saved. According to it, there will be no need for vaccinations. What helped me a lot in my decision is that if you research it further, you find out that [the organisation] is a ‘lobby organisation of suppliers and users of the disinfectant chlorine dioxide for the prevention and treatment of all kinds of diseases’ [credible source]. To make sure I didn't fall for an opposing side, I also looked for other sites that prove that the [organisation] belongs to a lobby and that its facts are just made up. In the process, I came across the site [credible source]. Here, doctors and journalists contacted one of the [organisation] members by email and asked how much there really was to the studies. The answer showed that members of [organisation] are vaccination opponents […]. This site also talks to actual doctors who confirm that chlorine dioxide cannot be a possible COVID-19 antidote. Some people have even died from it and in the meantime some members have also been reported to the police. (A_S3_T89) |
Emerging | Website under construction, no one answers the phone, ‘about us’ page missing. Not credible! (A_S5_K127) |
Beginning | I think the website looks quite credible. In general, the structure is very interesting and makes you want to read more. Pictures always help to arouse my interest. But the decisive point that makes the website look credible to me is that the website uses a lot of technical terms that you don't understand as a normal person. Because of all the technical terms, you immediately see that the website has a clue about its work. (A_S1_T81) |
In addition to the post-intervention tasks, open-ended observation forms were used during the lesson and given to the actual teachers of the corresponding classes. There was also a brief feedback session with the students after each intervention. These sessions were held in an open format and were kept fairly short due to the already heavy time commitment for the students. They were asked what they liked, where there were suggestions for improvement, and what else they thought about the intervention.
In both the feedback sessions and the intervention itself, many learners highlighted the successful, professional-looking design of the account; until the resolution, they did not notice that stock photos and videos were used in some cases. Thus, it would appear that the design provided very high perceived credibility (also the graphs, tables and everything that looked ‘scientific’) and also to a certain extent outshone the content, which was only gradually opened up. For example, details such as misleading axis labels on graphs were not recognised at first and were only added later; at first glance, the graphs established a high level of credibility. In addition, it was noticeable that the students—who had just dealt with the topic of ions and conductivity in regular chemistry lessons—were able to classify the (supposed) mode of action much more quickly, but were also able to debunk it. This shows that knowledge does protect against manipulation if it can be applied directly (Hove et al., 2011). In summary, although most students were initially sceptical about the product, the design of the account and the content had some persuasive power. Thus, most students were very surprised by the resolution of the fake and—according to the teachers—were still talking about it weeks later. This indicates a higher sense of relevance on the part of the students, who also subsequently reported that they often have to think back to the intervention when they consume media in their daily lives.
In task 1, which we adapted entirely from McGrew et al. (2018), learners were asked to compare two pieces of information about climate change: the first was a headline from The Atlantic magazine for an article written by a credible scientist; the second was information from the same magazine but showing a graph created by Shell that illustrates the role of the energy mix. In fact, the learners in both groups had the most difficulty with this task (see Fig. 4; 63% reached only the ‘beginning’ level even in the treatment group). The learners were very influenced by the scientific-looking pie chart [‘Article B appears more credible because a graphic illustrates the problems and opportunities and, moreover, a metaphor is not used as in Article A. This means that Article B appears more informative than Article A.’ (C_S1_K_17)]. In the treatment group, almost a quarter of the students recognised the sponsoring as less credible [‘Article B appears credible at first sight, as the diagram looks professional. However, this article was sponsored by Shell and Shell, as a gigantic oil company, is known to have a negative impact on the environment. So, this action seems to be greenwashing to avoid responsibility of climate change.’ (A_S1_T101)].
In task 2, learners were asked to evaluate a pseudoscience (already bordering on conspiracy ideologies) site that promoted chlorine dioxide as a cure for all sorts of diseases, including COVID-19. Shockingly, over 60% of the students from the control group rated the site as reliable; the results were much better in the treatment group. In general, many learners here (just as with the Instagram account in the intervention) were dazzled by the professional appearance of the website. Task 3 involved a Facebook post that supposedly disproves man-made climate change: it shows water-level markings on buildings, some of which are over 300 years old, and this is presented as proof that floods have always existed. Here, the majority of the students were in the ‘emerging’ area [‘This article seems very dubious to me because it comes from Facebook and this is a platform where anyone can post what they want without it being checked for accuracy. Moreover, the author of the article does not seem to be an expert in this field. The article simply shows pictures with different water levels at different times in history. However, the article does not show how these water levels came about.’ (C_S1_K22)]. In addition to such source criticism, mastery-level learners also recognised the increasing frequency of natural disasters as an indication of climate change [‘No, the contribution is insufficient. Of course, there have also been devastating floods in past years, but the argument that these are due to climate change is not only based on the extent of the floods, but also on their frequency and location. For example, they occur in places without previous flooding problems, and more often than before the onset of climate change.’ (A_S3_T71)].
In task 4, students were asked to take a position on an argument on Facebook about the alleged cancer risk of parabens. One of the two people involved gave a reputable source that refuted the claim. The other person then showed two graphs (sales of paraben-containing products and breast cancer cases), which were only supposedly connected to each other and did not represent any proof of a cancer-causing effect of parabens. Almost 50% of the students in the treatment group and almost 80% of the students in the control group were blinded by these very graphs [‘Grace has the stronger arguments as she also includes studies, examples and graphs in the argument.’ (A_S1_K48)].
In task 5, students were asked to research the extent to which aluminium is harmful to health. The focus was on which sources they selected for their assessment and how they arrived at a verdict. Here, the learners in both groups performed best; it seems that most of them were able to select credible sources.
Finally, created entirely by us, task 6 involved the impact of supposedly logical connections. An Instagram meme was shown questioning why workers who spray glyphosate wear protective clothing, even though the producers claim that it is safe. In addition to this context, this meme has a strong emotionalising effect, and it influenced very many of the learners (43% in the treatment group and 64% in the control group) [‘The reasoning of (author of the post) is very plausible because it looks really scary how the people with their protective suits move through the fields.’ (A_S1_K33)]. Only a few students in both groups showed a differentiated view of the context [‘Consumption can be safe because the product is purified and one is only exposed to low concentrations of the product. Workers, on the other hand, come into direct contact and are given extra protection – the dose makes the poison.’ (A_S3_T101)].
In general, it can be summarised that even the treatment group was still blinded to the strategies in many cases. However, it was also evident in the group that went through the teaching unit that strategies (previously covered in the module) were more often mentioned explicitly when answering the question or that formulations from the teaching unit were used [‘Technical terms are not explained by the experts and occur in the text without context.’ (A_S1_T_68)].
In the evaluation of the module, we used tasks that were created to measure civic online reasoning, something that is known from evaluating social or political information. While science-based information may not seem equally controversial at first glance, even scientific facts are being distorted, changed or called into question in social media. Moreover, there are many complex and controversial issues that have a scientific basis (Beniermann et al., 2021), also known as socio-scientific issues (Sadler and Dawson, 2012). Therefore, we consider civic-online-reasoning tasks to be suitable instruments for our purposes as well.
One limitation of our study was that we did not measure the concept of scientific media literacy exactly but instead used the tasks by McGrew et al. (2018) as items that assess different scientific aspects and strategies frequently used in the media; they are not supposed to serve as a ‘summative instrument’ (McGrew et al., 2018, p. 185). In the long run, there is a need to create an instrument to measure the construct of scientific media literacy. Another limitation noted by the authors of the tasks and that is also valid in our study is that they are artificial because the students evaluate information that they did not encounter themselves while on social media. However, we deliberately chose or contrived the tasks to address those strategies that occurred in the instructional module.
Regarding the results of the tasks, it is useful to compare with studies in which tasks of this type were also used. The first study is that by McGrew et al. (2018) themselves. They described the piloting of the tasks as well as their final use with different groups (middle school, high school, college) and without any prior explicit intervention that could potentially prepare students to work on these tasks. Here, the percentage distributions of the results coincide with the trends of our control group (see Fig. 4): for task 1 (Comparing articles), 85% of the students in our group reached the beginning level, 6% reached the emerging level, and 9% reached the mastery level; for the identical task, the distribution in the high-school cohort of McGrew et al. (2018) was 80% beginning, 9% emerging and 11% mastery, i.e. very similar. Horn and Veermans (2019) also used these tasks in Finland: here, the Finnish students showed slightly better results but also similar tendencies; for example, in the aforementioned ‘Comparing articles’ task, 74% of the students answered at the beginning level, 12% at the emerging level and 14% at the mastery level. Obviously, it is quite difficult for students throughout the world to evaluate information in the media.
This is where teaching modules such as the one that we have developed could come in, and in all subjects. We were able to show that this had at least a short-term effect, but what we have not established is a long-term effect; nevertheless, other comparable studies have shown that this lasts for several weeks or even months (Roozenbeek and van der Linden, 2019). However, there is of course a certain novelty effect that overshadows the actual effectiveness of such interventions. In addition, the positive observations of the teachers, such as high participation and increased interest in the subject matter, should not be disregarded here. In general, there is a need for more teaching suggestions of this kind, especially in the sciences, as well as more evidence for their effectiveness. The study results that we have so far suggest that it is best to repeat such learning sequences every few months. Here, theoretically, one could alternate subjects. We should also consider how subject content in science subjects can be functionally linked to relevant issues discussed in the media, so that students understand the role of chemistry-related (or generally science-related) information in the public arena. It is important to note that simply knowing about manipulative strategies does not fully protect against manipulation, and emotions play a very large role in judgment (Pennycook et al., 2021): we believe what we want to believe. For example, very recent research has shown that young people evaluate information differently and less accurately when it is disseminated by influencers to whom they feel emotionally attached (Balaban et al., 2022; Sweeney et al., 2022). How to break through such mechanisms is a key question for future research. Behind this lies a fundamental question, namely what should be taught in schools or what role schools play in training competencies for reflexive orientation in a digitalised world. Over 10 years ago, Chao et al. (2011, p. 324) wrote that ‘[social media are] so widespread and inculcated in our culture that it is futile to try to stop their influence at the classroom door.’ Therefore, schools cannot close themselves against such initiatives, which in turn results in a great need for further training of teachers, both pre-service and in-service.
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